Ibn al-Jawzi, (ابن الجوزي), ‘Abd al-Rahman b. ‘Ali
b. Muhammad Abu al-Faraj, a jurist, traditionist, historian, preacher, one of
the most famous Hanbalis of Baghdad, where he was born, most probably, in the
year 511/1127[1], and whose ancestry goes back to Abu Bakr (ra). He was orphaned at
the age of three and thereafter raised in care of his mother and paternal aunt,
who later brought him to the mosque of Abu al-Fadhl Ibn Nasir, to be taught
traditions (hadith). At this stage, Ibn al-Jawzi was probably no more
than six years old.
Early Learning and
Teachers
Being his first teacher as well
as his maternal uncle, Ibn Nasir introduced him to many other teachers. Ibn
al-Jawzi shows his gratitude to Ibn Nasir by writing the following in his
notice: “He heard numerous traditions, and had copious knowledge in that regard.
He studied lexicography under Abu Zakariya. He is the one whom Allah Ta’ala
appointed for the purposes of guiding me to knowledge. He would exert great
effort on my behalf during my childhood and take me to teachers. He made me study the Musnad of Imam
Ahmad by reading it to Ibn al-Husayn, as well as collections of shorter chains
(‘awali). I, at that time, hadn’t a clue what learning is, due to my
young age. He would make record of all traditions I heard. I studied with him
for thirty years and did not benefit from anyone as I benefited from
him.â€[2]
Thus, Ibn al-Jawzi began his
learning career from a very young age, and had over 90 teachers, three of whom
were women.[3] His teachers who taught him traditions include Abu al-Sa’adat
al-Mutawakkili, who gave him the authorisation (ijaza) to transmit works
from al-Khatib al-Baghdadi; Ibn al-Husayn who taught him Musnad of Imam Ahmad;
and of course, Ibn Nasir who started his career as a Shafi’i-Ash’ari, but later
converted to Hanbalism in doctrine and jurisprudence, due to a dream he saw to
that effect.[4]
Amongst his Qur’an teachers was
Abu al-Karam al-Hashimi - another convert from Shafi’ism to Hanbalism, of whom
Ibn al-Jawzi states: ‘He is the first to teach me the Quran when I was a
child’[5] - and most notably Abu Muhammad al-Muqri’ from whom he learnt
various modes of recitations.[6]
His education in jurisprudence
began with one of the leading Hanbali authorities of the time, Ibn al-Zaghuni,
which continued for several years. After the latter’s death in 527/1133, Ibn
al-Jawzi became the student of Abu Bakr al-Dinawari until his death in
532/1137-8, after which he continued his law studies with other prominent
Hanbali figures, such as Abu Ya’la al-Saghir, then finally, Abu Hakim
al-Nahrawani. Later Ibn al-Jawzi became an assistant teacher for al-Nahrawani in
his institute, and upon his death in 556/1161, Ibn al-Jawzi succeeded him as the
professor.
His preaching career
(wa’z) also began at a very young age, when his teacher Ibn Nasir
introduced him to Abu al-Qasim al-‘Alawi al-Harawi, who taught him the art of
preaching. It was not long before he encouraged Ibn al-Jawzi to ascend the
pulpit and deliver his first sermon attended by a crowd of 50,000, at the tender
age of ten.[7] However, al-‘Alawi soon left Baghdad, after which Ibn al-Jawzi’s
training on wa’dh was continued by Ibn al-Zaghuni until his death in
527/1133.
In addition to his professors,
he held in great admiration three scholars, even though he never personally met
them: Abu al-Wafa’ ‘Ali b. ‘Aqil al-Hanbali; the Ash’ari-Shafi’i historian, a
biographer and the author of Hilyat al-Awliya’, Abu Nu’aym al-Isfahani;
and al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, a famous traditionist and a historian, a Hanbali who
converted to Shafi’ism.[8]
His Preaching
Career
Although, Ibn al-Jawzi was a
prolific author, who wrote extensively on many topics and sciences, his fame is
due to his glorious preaching career, which in turn made him an influential
religious political figure in Baghdad.
As preceded, he gave his first
sermon at the age of ten, but his career only advanced at the age of fifteen,
upon the death of his teacher Ibn al-Zaghuni in 527/1133 when he requested that
he should replace his teacher’s position. However, due to his young age, his
proposal was turned down, yet his persistence led him to the vizier, who
officially appointed him to deliver sermons in al-Mansur
mosque.[9]
By year 544/1149, Ibn al-Jawzi
was appointed by Ibn Hubayrah, the pious Hanbali vizier, to hold his sermons
every Friday in his palace, which was open to the public. His ever increasing
popularity moved the Caliph al-Mustanjid to appoint him to deliver sermons in
the Palace mosque, which were regularly attended by 10,000 to 15,000. Ibn
al-Jawzi used this opportunity to show great valour in defence of sunnah
and briskly attacked the ever growing madhab fanaticism in his time, as
well as scholastic theological schools such as Mu’tazilism and
Ash’arism.[10]
However, after Ibn Hubayra
became a victim of his rival conspirators and was subsequently martyred in
560/1164, life became difficult for Ibn al-Jawzi. The following year one of the
colleges under the supervision of Ibn al-Jawzi was seized. Hence, his activism
and influence vanished from the scene for five years, but reappeared after the
death of Caliph al-Mustanjid in 566/1170.
During the reign of
al-Mustadhi’, Ibn al-Jawzi developed strong ties with the Caliph, due to which
he became of the most influential persons of Baghdad. This special relationship
is illustrated by Ibn al-Jawzi’s work al-Misbah al-Mudhi fi Dawlat
al-Mustadhi’, which he wrote in praise of the Caliph. In 567/1171 when Salah
al-Din al-Ayyubi re-established the ‘Abbasid Khutba in Cairo after defeating the
Fatimids, Ibn al-Jawzi demonstrated his rejoice by writing Kitab al-Nasr ‘Ala
Misr, after which he was authorised by the Caliph in 568/1172 to deliver
sermons at the Badr gate in presence of the Caliph. In the same year he
delivered many popular sermons that attracted extraordinarily large crowds of
100,000 attendees.
In 569/1173, Ibn al-Jawzi was
invited by the people of al-Harbiyya and Bab al-Basra, the two quarters of
West Baghdad, to deliver a sermon in an open
area between the two quarters. The sermon, however, was attended by people from
all parts of the city. Ibn al-Jawzi led the multitude of congregation to the
place of meeting and delivered the sermon. Since the meeting was held after
sunset, the people of al-Harbiyya and Bab al-Basra – men, women and children –
came out with candles to receive him. The number of attendees were estimated at
300,000, while the candles were estimated at a thousand, lighting up the plain
and dramatising the occasion.
In 570 he built his own college
at Darb Dinar and on the first day delivered a series of fourteen lectures on
different sciences. In the same year, he concluded his exegeses of the Quran and
prostrated on the pulpit, claiming to be the first one to have completed a
series of Quran exegeses in sermons since it was revealed. In the same year he
was given the custody of another college, on which the name of Imam Ahmad was
inscribed, along with a declaration that it had been relegated to the
supervision of the champion of the sunnah, Ibn al-Jawzi. Such a growing
influence of Ibn al-Jawzi, and by extension the Hanbali Madhab, alarmed the
members of other schools.
In 571/1178-9 the Caliph
granted Ibn al-Jawzi inquisitorial powers to combat the increasing Rafidhite
influence in Baghdad. Ibn al-Jawzi ascended the
pulpit and proclaimed to the crowds: “Amir al-Mu’minin has heard about the
growth of Rafdh, and has conferred upon me inquisitional powers to combat
heresies. If you hear anyone from the public reviling the Companions, then
inform me, for I will raze his house and land him in
prison.â€[11] It is said that it was during this period Ibn al-Jawzi penned his
famous Talbis Iblis (The Devil’s Deception), in critique of numerous
heresies, social ills, and in particular, the distorted version of
Tasawwuf that had become widespread.
Ibn al-Jawzi’s career and
popularity reached its zenith in the year 574/2278 AH, which in turn empowered
the Hanbalis in Baghdad. At this same time, the
Caliph ordered that an inscription be engraved on the tomb of Imam Ahmad
stating: ‘This is the grave of the crown of sunnah, the most noble of the
Ummah, one with high ambitions, the embodiment of the Book and the
sunnah of Allah’s Messenger, al-Imam Abu ‘Abd Allah Ahmad b. Muhammad b.
Hanbal al-Shaybani – may Allah be merciful with him’, ending with the date of
his demise and Ayat al-Kursi. However, the followers of other
madhabs became concerned at the growing Hanbali influence on the Caliph
and complained, since it was never customary for the ruler to bestow the title
of ‘Imam’ to anyone other than a caliph.[12]
Ibn al-Jawzi writes, describing
the pinnacle of his success in the same year: “Today I am the director of five
colleges, and the author of 150 works in all subjects. More than 100,000
repented at my hands, and I cut off the hair of more than 10,000 lax young
men.[13] No preacher saw a crowd as great as mine, which was attended by the
Caliph, the vizier, sahib al-makhzan (Dhahir al-Din) and the senior
scholars.â€[14]
After the death of
al-Mustadhi’, al-Nasir ascended to power in 575/1179. Whilst it has been noted
that al-Nasir inclined towards Shi’ism, the early part of his reign did not
appear to reflect any change in Ibn al-Jawzi’s relation with the caliphate.
This, nevertheless, was soon to change and land Ibn al-Jawzi in utter disgrace
in year 590/1194.
His
Trial
Year 590/1194 marks Ibn
al-Jawzi’s fall from grace. In this painful episode of his life, he was
subjected to severe tribulation, exile and imprisonment. The cause of his trial
was the bitter feud between him and the descendants of the famous Sufi Hanbali
Shaykh ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jaylani.
During the vizierate of Abu
al-Mudhaffar b. Yunus, – a supporter of Ibn al-Jawzi and like him, also a
student of al-Nahrawani – a tribunal was setup for Rukn al-Din, the grandson of
‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jaylani. The tribunal, which took place in the presence of Ibn
al-Jawzi and other leading scholars, concluded in burning of his books, which
contained zandaqah, heresies, astrology and in particular rasa’il
ikhwan al-safa. Consequently, Al-Jaylani’s institute, much to the disgrace
of Rukn al-Din, was snatched away from him and placed in the care of Ibn
al-Jawzi.
However, after the dismissal of
the vizier Ibn Yunus in 590/1194, Ibn al-Qassab, described by Ibn Rajab as ‘a
vile Rafidite’ (rafidhi khabith), was instated as the vizier. Ibn
al-Qassab, then went in pursuit of his rival, Ibn Yunus and his
supporters.
Rukn al-Din seized this
opportunity to entrap Ibn al-Jawzi, and incited Ibn al-Qassab against him by
suggesting that the former was a Nasibi (detractor of the Prophet’s
family) and a descendant of Abu Bakr, enough reason for him to be disgraced and
persecuted. Ibn al-Qassab, after seeking the permission of the Caliph al-Nasir,
unleashed Rukn al-Din upon Ibn al-Jawzi. Rukn al-Din then proceeded to the house
of Ibn al-Jawzi, where he publicly humiliated him and dragged him out of his
house, which was then sealed off and his family dispersed. Ibn al-Jawzi was
taken to Wasit in the middle of the night by Rukn himself and house arrested.
Rukn, still seeking to further humiliate Ibn al-Jawzi, requested permission from
the superintendent of Wasit to imprison Ibn al-Jawzi in an underground basement.
The superintendent, who was also a Shi’ite, rebuked Rukn saying: “O ye Heretic!
Should I throw him therein merely upon your request?! Bring me the written
decree of the Caliph, for by Allah, if he was of my sect, I would have
sacrificed my soul and wealth in his service!†Hence, Rukn simply returned to
Baghdad.
Ibn al-Jawzi’s imprisonment in
Wasit did not prevent him from utilising his time to write and teach, whilst
cooking and cleaning, at a very old age without any help. It is reported that
Ibn al-Jawzi would complete the Quran daily, yet omitting Surah Yusuf, due to
his deep sorrow over his son who shared the same name.
It was after five years, in
595/1198-9 that his son, Muhiy al-Din Yusuf, became prominent through his
preaching sessions, and successfully managed to intercede with the mother of the
Caliph on behalf of his father, and thereby, facilitating Ibn al-Jawzi’s return
to Baghdad.
His arrival in Baghdad was emotionally celebrated
by the inhabitants, who enthusiastically came out to receive him with a warm
welcome. It was then announced that he would be holding a preaching session the
following Saturday. The people thus began to reserve places for themselves
immediately after having prayed the Friday prayer. Despite heavy rains that
night, the masses could not be deterred from the much awaited sermon. The next
morning, Ibn al-Jawzi began to deliver his sermon to an extraordinary large
audience, such that many, due to the vast numbers present, were unable to hear
his voice.
His death and
funeral
He continued to give sermons
and author numerous works, until the Ramadan of 597/1200. On the 7th
of Ramadan, he sat at the mausoleum of the Caliph’s mother to deliver his last
sermon. After addressing the congregation, he fell ill for five days, and passed
away on Friday between Maghrib and ‘Isha at the age of eighty-six or
eighty-seven. The next morning, his funeral was prepared and brought out of the
house. The entire city of Baghdad came to a standstill as the
masses gathered to attend the funeral. At first, his funeral was taken to the
spot where he would deliver his sermons, and prayed over by his son, Abu
al-Qasim. The crowds then carried the funeral to al-Mansur mosque, where he was
prayed over again. By the time the crowds reached his grave, which was located
near the grave of Imam Ahmad, it was time for the Friday prayer. It was one of
the most extraordinary funerals in Baghdad, where the inhabitants of Baghdad showed their utmost remorse
at the loss of an inspirational Islamic figure, a charismatic and earnest
preacher, and a source of pride.
His Descendants
Ibn al-Jawzi left behind three
sons and six daughters:
1) ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, his
eldest son, who settled and preached in Mosul. He died at a very young
age.
2) Abu al-Qasim ‘Ali, his
second eldest son. He began his preaching career at a very young age but left
shortly, and instead, degenerated into an idler and accompanied irreligious
people. He was extremely rebellious towards his noble father, such that when the
latter was sent in exile to Wasit, he sold most of his father’s books away for a
dirt cheap price. Due to his behaviour, Ibn al-Jawzi had shunned him for years
until he died. He would often say about his son: ‘I pray against him every last
third of the night.’[15]
3) Muhiy al-Din Yusuf, his
youngest son, who followed his father’s footsteps in learning and preaching. He
also took responsibility for the ‘Ministry of Commanding Virtues and Forbidding
Evil’ in Baghdad, taught his Hanbali colleagues at
al-Mustansiriyya institute, and later formed al-Jawziyya institute in Damascus. He was killed, along with
the Caliph at the hands of the Tatars upon Hulagu Khan’s invasion of Baghdad.
4) Sitt al-‘Ulama senior, the eldest daughter and the wife of the jurist, Abu al-‘Abbas Ahmad
al-Hammami; 5) Rabi’a, the mother of Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi; 6) Sharaf
al-Nisa’, the wife of ‘Abd al-Wahhab al-‘Iyabi al-Hanbali; 7) Zaynab;
8) Jawhara and 9) Sitt al-‘Ulama junior, the youngest
daughter.[16]
Students
Ibn al-Jawzi produced many
students, the most notable of them were:
- Yusuf b. al-Jawzi, Abu al-Faraj Ibn
al-Jawzi’s son who established al-Jawziyya institute in Damascus. He, along with his three
sons, was killed by the Tatars upon the invasion of Baghdad by Hulagu Khan. His works
include: Ma’adin al-Ibriz fi Tafsir al-Kitab al-‘Aziz in exegesis,
al-Madhab al-Ahmad fi Madhab Ahmad, and al-Idah fi
al-Jadal.
- Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi, his grandson from his
daughter Rabi’a, a historian and a preacher like his grandfather. He was born
and raised in Baghdad under the supervision of his
grandfather, who then travelled to Damascus and settled therein. His
works include: Mir’at al-Zaman fi Tarikh al-A’yan, al-Jalis
al-Salih, al-Intisar wal-Tarjih, and many others. He was a convert
from Hanbalism to Hanafism and apparently, Rafidhi-Shi’ism.
- ‘Abd al-Ghani al-Maqdisi, one of the most
prominent Hadith masters with outstanding knowledge on the narrators of
traditions. He is the author of many famous works, such as al-Kamal fi Asma
al-Rijal and ‘Umdat al-Ahkam.
- Ibn Qudama al-Maqdisi, one of the major
Hanbali authorities and the author of the profound and voluminous book on Law,
al-Mughni, which became popular amongst researchers from all juristic
backgrounds.
His
Works
Ibn al-Jawzi is perhaps
the most voluminous author in Islamic history. Al-Dhahabi states: “I have
not known anyone amongst the ‘ulama to have written as much as he (Ibn al-Jawzi)
did.â€
According to Ibn al-Jawzi, he
wrote his first book only at the tender age of thirteen.[17] It has always been difficult to determine the exact number of works
authored by Ibn al-Jawzi. Al-Zirikli estimates it to be around
300[18], while Dr. al-‘Alwaji counted up to 574 works in his Mu’allafat
Ibn al-Jawzi. However, this figure is far from accurate, and perhaps
exaggerated, for al-‘Alwaji often repeats a title with a different wording, and
gives it a separate count. Ibn al-Jawzi himself determined 150 works, at the
time he was writing his rich historical piece al-Muntadham; and 250 by
the time of his death.[19] Ibn Rajab lists over 180 compositions, whereas Ibn Taymiyyah, being
an avid reader of Ibn al-Jawzi’s works, claimed to have counted over 1000 works,
and later found even more, a claim that Dr. ‘Abd al-Rahman al-‘Uthaymin, deems
gross exaggeration.
Although, Ibn al-Jawzi’s works
range from law (fiqh), traditions (hadith), history and biography,
his best contribution, as asserted by Ibn Taymiyyah were his Manaqib
biographical series on some of the prominent Islamic
figures.
The following is a list of his
works as documented by Ibn Rajab:
Quranic Sciences
1) Al-Mughni fi al-Tafsir, 81 parts
2) Zad al-Masir fi ‘Ilm al-Tafsir, 4 volumes
3) Taysir al-Bayan fi Tafsir al-Quran
4) Tadhkirat al-Arib fi Tafsir al-Gharib
5) Gharib al-Gharib
6) Nuzhat al-‘Uyun al-Nawadhir fi al-Wujuh wa al-Nadha’ir
7) Al-Wujuh wa al-Nawadhir fi al-Wujuh wa al-Nadha’ir, a summary of Nuzhat al-‘Uyun al-Nawadhir
8) Al-Ishara ila al-Qira’at al-Mukhtara, 4 parts
9) Tadhkirat al-Mutanabbih fi ‘Uyun al-Mushtabih
10) Funun al-Afnan fi ‘Uyun ‘Ulum al-Quran
11) Ward al-Aghsan fi Funun al-Afnan
12) ‘Umdat al-Rasikh fi Ma’rifat al-Mansukh wa al-Nasikh, 5 parts
13) Al-Musaffa bi Akuffi Ahl al-Rusukh min ‘Ilm al-Nasikh wal-Mansukh
Theology
14) Muntaqad al-Mu’taqid
15) Minhaj al-Wusul ila ‘Ilm al-Usul, 5 parts
16) Bayan Ghaflat al-Qa’il bi Qidam Af’al al-‘Ibad
17) Ghawamidh al-Ilahiyat
18) Maslak al-‘Aql
19) Minhaj Ahl al-Isaba
20) Al-Sirr al-Masun
21) Daf’ Shubhat al-Tashbih, 4 parts
22) Al-Radd ‘Ala al-Muta’assib al-‘Anid
Traditions and Asceticism
23) Jami’ al-Asanid bi Alkhas al-Asanid
24) Al-Hada’iq, 34 parts
25) Naqiy al-Naql, 5 parts
26) Al-Mujtab
27) Al-Nuzha, 2 parts
28) ‘Uyun al-Hikayat
29) Multaqat al-Hikayat, 13 parts
30) Irshad al-Muridin fi Hikayat al-Salaf al-Salihin
31) Rawdhat al-Naqil
32) Ghurar al-Athar, 30 parts
33) Al-Tahqiq fi Ahadith al-Ta’liq, 2 volumes (ISBN: 9775704480)
34) Al-Madih, 7 parts
35) Al-Mawdhu’at min al-Ahadith al-Marfu’at, 2 volumes
36) Al-‘Ilal al-Mutanahiya fi al-Ahadith al-Wahiya, 2 volumes
37) Ikhbar Ahl al-Rusukh fi al-Fiqh wal-Tahdith bi Miqdar al-Mansukh min al-Hadith (ISBN: 9771420054)
38) Al-Sahm al-Musib, 2 parts
39) Akhyir al-Dhakha’ir, 3 parts
40) Al-Fawa’id ‘an al-Shuyukh, 60 parts
41) Manaqib Ashab al-Hadith
42) Mawt al-Khidhr
43) Mukhtasar Mawt al-Khidhr
44) Al-Mashyikha
45) Al-Musalsalat
46) Al-Muhtasab fi al-Nasab
47) Tuhfat al-Tullab, 3 parts
48) Tanwir Mudlahim al-Sharaf
49) Al-Alqab
50) Fadha’il ‘Umar b. al-Khattab
51) Fadha’il ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz
52) Fadha’il Sa’id b. al-Musayyab
53) Fadha’il al-Hasan al-Basri
54) Manaqib al-Fudhayl b. ‘Ayadh, 4 parts
55) Manaqib Bishr al-Hafi, 7 parts
56) Manaqib Ibrahim b. Adham, 6 parts
57) Manaqib Sufyan al-Thawri
58) Manaqib Ahmad b. Hanbal
59) Manaqib Ma’ruf al-Karkhi, 2 parts
60) Manaqib Rabi’a al-‘Adawiyya
61) Muthir al-‘Azm al-Sakin ila Ashraf al-Amakin (ISBN: 9775227593)
62) Safwat al-Safwa, 5 parts, abridgment of Hilyat al-Awliya’ by Abu Nu’aym
63) Minhaj al-Qasidin, 4 parts
64) Al-Mukhtar min Akhbar al-Akhyar
65) Al-Qati’ li Muhal al-Lijaj bi Muhal al-Hallaj, a rebuttal against the supporters of al-Hallaj, the pantheist who was executed by the agreement of the jurists from four schools.
66) ‘Ujalat al-Muntadhar li Sharh Hal al-Khidhr
67) Al-Nisa’ wa ma yata’alluq bi adabihin
68) ‘Ilm al-Hadith al-Manqul fi Anna Aba Bakr Amma al-Rasul
69) Al-Jawhar
70) Al-Mughlaq
History
71) Talqih Fuhum Ahl al-Athar fi ‘Uyun al-Tawarikh wal-Siyar
72) Al-Muntadham fi Tarikh al-Muluk wal-Umam, 10 volumes
73) Shudhur al-‘Uqud fi Tarikh al-‘Uhud
74) Tara’if al-Dhara’if fi Tarikh al-Sawalif
75) Manaqib Baghdad
Fiqh
76) al-Insaf fi Masa’il al-Khilaf
77) Junnat al-Nadhir wa Jannat al-Nadhar
78) ‘Umad al-Dala’il fi Mushtahar al-Masa’il
79) Al-Mudhab fi al-Madhab
80) Masbuk al-Dhahab
81) Al-Nubdha
82) Al-‘Ibadat al-Khams
83) Asbab al-Hidaya li Arbab al-Bidaya
84) Kashf al-Dhulma ‘an al-Dhiya’ fi Radd Da’wa Ilkiya
85) Radd al-Lawm al-Dhaym fi Sawm Yawm al-Ghaym
Art of Preaching (wa’dh)
86) al-Yawaqit fi al-Khutab
87) al-Muntakhab fi al-Nuwab
88) Muntakhab al-Muntakhab
89) Muntakhal al-Muntakhab
90) Nasim al-Riyadh
91) Al-Lu’lu’
92) Kanz al-Mudhakkir
93) Al-Azaj
94) Al-Lata’if
95) Kunuz al-Rumuz
96) Al-Muqtabis
97) Zayn al-Qisas
98) Mawafiq al-Marafiq (ISBN: 2745134647)
99) Shahid wa Mashhud
100) Wasitat al-‘Uqud min Shahid wa Mashhud
101) Al-Lahab, 2 parts
102) Al-Mudhish
103) Saba Najd
104) Muhadathat al-‘Aql
105) Laqt al-Juman
106) Al-Muq’ad al-Muqim
107) Iqadh al-Wasnan min al-Raqadat bi Ahwal al-Haywan wal-Nabat, 2 parts
108) Nakt al-Majalis al-Badriyya, 2 parts
109) Nuzhat al-Adib, 2 parts
110) Muntaha al-Muntaha
111) Tabsirat al-Mubtadi’, 20 parts
112) Al-Yaquta, 2 parts (ISBN: 9775141494)
113) Tuhfat al-Wu’adh
Various sciences
114) Dham al-Hawa, 2 volumes
115) Sayd al-Khatir, 65 parts
116) Ihkam al-Ish’ar bi Ahkam al-Ash’ar, 20 parts
117) Al-Qussas al-Mudhakkirin (Also available in English: A critical edition, annotated translation and introduction by Merlin L. Swartz ASIN: B0007KE23O)
118) Taqwim al-Lisan
119) Al-Adhkiya
120) Al-Hamqa
121) Talbis Iblis, 2 volumes (A small part of the book has been translated and abridged into English by Dr. Bilal Philips)
122) Laqt al-Manafi’ fi al-Tibb, 2 volumes
123) Al-Shayb al-Khidhab
124) A’mar al-A’yan
125) Al-Thabat ‘ind al-Mamat, 2 parts
126) Tanwir al-Ghabash fi Fadhl al-Sud wal-Habash, 2 parts
127) Al-Hath ‘ala Hifdh al-‘Ilm wa Dhikr Kibar al-Huffadh
128) Ashraf al-Mawali, 2 parts
129) I’lam al-Ahya bi Aghlat al-Ihya, a criticism of Ihya ‘Ulum al-Din by al-Ghazzali
130) Tahrim al-Muhill al-Makruh
131) Al-Misbah al-Mudhi’ li Dawlat al-Imam al-Mustadhi’
132) ‘Atf al-‘Ulama ‘ala al-Umara wal-Umara ‘ala al-‘Ulama
133) Al-Nasr ‘Ala Misr
134) Al-Majd al-‘Adhudi
135) Al-Fajr al-Nuri
136) Manaqib al-Sitr al-Rafi’
137) Ma Qultuhu min al-Ash’ar
138) Al-Maqamat
139) Min Rasa’ili
140) Al-Tibb al-Ruhani
141) Bayan al-Khata wal-Sawab fi Ahadith Ibn Shihab, 16 parts
142) Al-Baz al-Ashhab al-Munqadh ‘ala man Khalafa al-Madhab, a treatise in Fiqh, and not another title of Daf’ Shubah al-Tashbih according to Ibn Rajab.
143) Al-Wafa bi Fadha’il al-Mustafa, 2 volumes
144) Al-Nur fi Fadha’il al-Ayyam wal-Shuhur
145) Taqrib al-Tariq al-Ab’ad fi Fadha’il Maqbarat Ahmad
146) Manaqib al-Imam al-Shafi’i
147) Al-‘Uzlah
148) Al-Riyadha
149) Minhaj al-Isaba fi Mahabat al-Sahaba
150) Funun al-Albab
151) Al-Dhurafa wal-Mutamajinin
152) Manaqib Abi Bakr
153) Manaqib ‘Ali
154) Fadha’il al-‘Arab
155) Durrat al-Iklil fi al-Tarikh, 4 volumes
156) Al-Amthal
157) Al-Manfa’ah fi al-Madhahib al-Arba’ah, 2 volumes
158) Al-Mukhtar min al-Ash’ar, 10 volumes
159) Ru’us al-Qawarir, 2 volumes
160) Al-Murtajal fi al-Wa’dh
161) Dhakhirat al-Wa’idh, several volumes
162) Al-Zajr al-Makhuf
163) Al-Ins wal-Mahabba
164) Al-Mutrib al-Mulhib
165) Al-Zand al-Wariy fi al-Wa’dh al-Nasiriy, 2 parts
166) Al-Fakhir fi Ayyam al-Imam al-Nasir
167) Al-Majd al-Salahi
168) Lughat al-Fiqh, 2 parts
169) ‘Aqd al-Khanasir fi Dhamm al-Khalifat al-Nasir
170) Dhamm ‘Abd al-Qadir, a censure of ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jaylani
171) Gharib al-Hadith
172) Mulah al-Ahadith, 2 parts
173) Al-Fusul al-Wa’dhiya ‘ala Huruf al-Mu’jam
174) Salwat al-Ahzan, 10 volumes
175) Al-Ma’shuq fil-Wa’dh
176) Al-Majalis al-Yusufiyya fil-Wa’dh
177) Al-Wa’dh al-Maqbari
178) Qiyam al-Layl, 3 parts
179) Al-Muhadatha
180) Al-Munaja
181) Zahir al-Jawahir fil-Wa’dh, 4 parts
182) Al-Nuhat al-Khawatim, 2 parts
183) Al-Murtaqa li man Ittaqa
184) Hawashi ‘ala Sihah al-Jawhari
185) Mukhtasar Funun Ibn ‘Aqil, 10 odd volumes
Criticisms by Ibn
al-Jawzi
Ash’ari
theologians
Despite Ibn al-Jawzi’s
doctrinal views on Allah’s Names and Attributes often appearing contradictory,
as we will see, he was, nevertheless, an ardent follower of the traditional
Hanbali hostility towards the Ash’aris.
His extremely hostile attitude
towards the Ash’aris was well noted by Ibn Kathir as he states: “Ibn al-Jawzi
mentions in this year[20], in al-Muntadham, the death of al-Ash’ari, where he spoke ill
of him, disparagingly in accordance with the habitual criticisms by the Hanbalis
directed towards the Ash’aris, past and presentâ€[21]
Ibn Kathir is referring to the
following note of Ibn al-Jawzi on al-Ash’ari: “He was born in 260 AH. He delved
into the Kalam, and was upon the madhab of the Mu’tazila for a
long time. He then decided to oppose them and proclaimed a doctrine which
muddled up people’s beliefs and caused endless strife. The people never differed
that this audible Qur’an is Allah’s Speech, and that Gabriel descended with it
upon the Prophet – Allah’s peace and blessings be upon him. The reliable
imams declared that the Quran is eternal, while the Mu’tazila claimed
that it is created. Al-Ash’ari then agreed with the Mu’tazila that the Quran is
created and said: ‘This is not Allah’s Speech. Rather, Allah’s Speech is an
Attribute subsisting in Allah’s Essence. It did not descend on the Prophet, nor
is it audible.’ Ever since he proclaimed this belief, he lived in fear for his
life for opposing the orthodox community (ahl al-sunnah), until he sought
refuge in the house of Abu al-Hasan al-Tamimi fearing his assassination. Then
some of the rulers began to fanatically followed his madhab, and his
following increased, until the Shafi’is abandoned the beliefs of al-Shafi’i and
instead followed al-Ash’ari’s doctrineâ€[22]
The vehement defence of
sunna and palpable attacks on unorthodox views, and in particular the
Ash’arite views on the Qur’an, were a distinct feature of Ibn al-Jawzi’s
sermons. His attacks against the Ash’aris include his famous remark, once made
on the pulpit: “The heretics claim; i) there is none in the Heavens, ii) neither
is there Qur’an in the Mushaf, and iii) nor is there a Prophet in the grave;
‘your three shameful facets’â€[23]
Ibn al-Jawzi writes, while
complaining about certain Ash’arites indoctrinating the masses with the
Ash’arite dogma: “A group of Persian (a’ajim) heretics arrived in
Baghdad and mounted the pulpits to
sermon the masses. They would claim, in most of their gatherings: There is no
‘Speech of Allah’ on this earth, and is the mushaf anything but paper,
galls
and vitriol?[24] Allah is not in the Heavens, and the slave-girl to whom the Prophet
said: ‘Where is Allah?’ was dumb and therefore pointed towards the sky, meaning:
He is not from the idols worshipped on this earth.[25]
They then said: ‘Where are the
‘letterists’, who claim that the Quran is composed of letters and sound? Rather,
the Quran is only an expression of Jibril!’ They continued in this vein, until
the sacredness of the Quran diminished from the hearts of
many.â€[26]
He then mentions at length, the
arguments for the orthodox approach towards the Quran, and commends Imam Ahmad
b. Hanbal for his rigid stance on the issue, which united the Muslims on one
belief: the Quran, which is contained in the Mushaf, is the uncreated Speech of
Allah. He then denigrates al-Ash’ari, saying: “Then, people did not differ in
this issue, until there appeared ‘Ali b. Isma’il al-Ash’ari, who at first, held
the beliefs of the Mu’tazilites. It then occurred to him, as he claimed, that
Allah’s Speech subsists in the Divine Essence (sifah qa’imah bil-that).
His claim, therefore, necessitated that the Quran we have is
created.â€[27]
Sufis
Ibn al-Jawzi was, in his early
youth, influenced by abstentious Sufism, which left him with illness for several
years, until he decided to abandon it.[28] His experience with Sufism, which by then had vastly drifted away
from the sacred law, transformed him into one of the fiercest critics of the
Sufis.
His austere anti-Sufi stance
was clearly demonstrated in his sermons and many of his works. Although, he was
never a detractor of the ascetics amongst the early Muslims, his criticisms were
mainly directed towards the deviant and abnormal tendencies that took root
amongst the ascetics, and by his time, became known as
Tasawwuf.
Ibn al-Jawzi says in Talbis
Iblis, whilst commenting on the origins of
Tasawwuf:
“The Sufis are generally from
the ascetics (zuhhad). Although, we have already mentioned the devil’s
deception of ascetics, except that the Sufis varied from the ascetics by having
specific qualities and states, and became known with certain characteristics,
and hence, we had to single them out with criticism. Tasawwuf is a path
(tariqa), the beginning of which was complete asceticism; however, later
its followers permitted the enjoyment of songs and
dancing.
“At the time of the Prophet,
the attribution was only to Iman and Islam, and hence it was said: so-and-so is
a Muslim, or a Mu’min. Then the terms ‘zahid’ (ascetic) and
‘‘abid’ (worshipper) were introduced. Then, there came a people who
adhered to asceticism and worship, gave up the worldly life, devoted themselves
to worship, and embraced a unique path and character.â€[29]
Some have argued that despite
Ibn al-Jawzi’s cynicism towards the Sufis, he did not discredit Sufism as a
genre. To the contrary, they claim, he was in favour of Sufism, and this is
reflected by a number of his works, such as his abridgement of Hilyat
al-Awliya by Abu Nu’aym, Ihya ‘Ulum al-Din by al-Ghazzali and various
laudatory biographies of early ascetics, such as Hasan al-Basri and Ma’ruf
al-Karkhi.
The above conclusion is not
quite accurate, for while Ibn al-Jawzi undoubtedly paid great importance to
asceticism, morals and manners, yet he did, nevertheless, regard the entire
genre of Tasawwuf to be other than zuhd, and moreover, foreign to
Islam and an absurdity. This is clearly reflected in his criticism of Abu
Nu’aym’s Hilyat al-Awliya, where the latter considers the early
generation of Muslims, including the Prophet’s companions and the four Imams, to
be from the Sufis.
Thus, Ibn al-Jawzi states,
while listing his objections against Hilyat al-Awliya: “The seventh
objection comes against the ascription of Tasawwuf to the senior masters,
such as Abu Bakr, ‘Umar, ‘Uthman, ‘Ali, al-Hasan, Shurayh, Sufyan, Shu’ba,
Malik, Shafi’i, Ahmad, whereas they had no knowledge of Tasawwuf. If one were to say: [Abu Nu’aym] meant by
that, abstentious worldly life (zuhd), since they were all zuhhad.
We say in reply: Tasawwuf is a school well-known amongst its followers,
which is not simply restricted to
Zuhd. Rather, the school has particular
qualities and disposition, known to its masters. If Tasawwuf was not
something further added to Zuhd, there would not have been narrations
from some of the aforementioned in condemnation of Tasawwuf. In fact, Abu
Nu’aym himself narrated in the biography of al-Shafi’i – may Allah be merciful
with him – that he said: ‘Tasawwuf is built upon lethargy. If a person
were to practise Tasawwuf in the morning, he would not reach the noon,
except that he has become obtuse.’ I discussed Tasawwuf extensively in my
book called: Talbis Iblis. (Devil’s Deception)â€[30]
Indeed, Ibn al-Jawzi dedicated
two-thirds of his book Talbis Iblis to his scathing criticism of Tasawwuf. His abridgment of Hilyat al-Awliya, and summarisation of
Ihya’ ‘Ulum al-Din by al-Ghazzali, is not a proof for his Sufi
tendencies. On the contrary, it is an illustration of his deep antagonism
towards Tasawwuf. The sole purpose of abridging such works was to purge,
what he considered the unorthodox content from such works, to make them
conducive to the intellectual wellbeing of the masses. Ibn al-Jawzi’s criticism
of Tasawwuf did not spare the famous and respected ascetics, such as
al-Junayd, Bishr al-Hafi, and even his co-Madhabist, ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jaylani,
in censure of whom he wrote Dhamm ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jaylani (Censure of
‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jaylani).
Ibn al-Jawzi’s criticisms of
the Sufis were directed at several fronts. He criticised them for the prevalence
of pantheism amongst their ranks, and to that end he wrote Al-Qati’ li Muhal
al-Lijaj bi Muhal al-Hallaj censuring al-Hallaj, the famous pantheist who
claimed to be God, and was subsequently executed by the agreement of the
jurists.[31]
He attacked the Sufis for
demeaning all aspects of worldly life, such that they would wilfully and
unwisely give away their belongings to remain poor. Ibn al-Jawzi states: “What
the ignorant amongst the ascetics call ‘reliance’ (tawakkul), that is to
spend all that one owns, is not legislated in religion. For the Prophet said to
Ka’b b. Malik: Keep some of your wealth.â€[32]
The Sufis were characterised by
their deriding attitude towards the sacred knowledge, in favour of asceticism.
Ibn al-Jawzi criticised them saying: “From the amazing ways in which the devil
plays his tricks, is by beautifying abandonment of knowledge. Yet, they [the
Sufis] did not simply stop at that, but also engaged in insulting those busy
with knowledge. This, only if they understood, is tantamount to insulting the
Shari’ah; for the Messenger of Allah said: ‘Convey from
me’â€[33]
Ibn al-Jawzi’s remarks,
ridiculing the early ascetics, only underline his rigid anti-Sufi attitude. He
says about the early ascetics: “I saw most of them in confusion. Those of them
with good intentions are also not following the mainstream path in most of their
affairs. A number of early ascetics wrote various books for their followers that
are crammed full of abominations, and inauthentic reports, in which the authors
instruct with that which is at odds with the Shari’ah; such as the works of
al-Harith al-Muhasibi or Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Tirmidhi, Qut al-Qulub by Abu
Talib al-Makki, or al-Ihya of Abu Hamid [al-Ghazzali] al-Tusi. If a
beginner were to open his eyes and desire to tread the path through these books,
they would have led him to blunders, for they based their works on awkward
narrations.
“I saw most of the people
deviating from the Shari’ah, to whom the words of the ascetics became the
Shari’ah itself. Hence, it was claimed: Abu Talib al-Makki said: ‘From the Salaf
were those who would weigh their daily intake against fresh branch-ends from
palm-trees and notice it decreasing everyday!’ This practise was not known by
the Messenger of Allah nor his Companions, rather they would eat but not to
their fill.
“The life of the Messenger of
Allah and his Companions was not like that of the ascetics of today. For the
Messenger of Allah would laugh, joke, choose the best of things, race with
‘A’isha – may Allah be pleased with her. He would eat meat, love sweet dishes
and water will be sweetened for him to drink. This is also how his companions
were, until the ascetics discovered paths (tara’iq), as if it were the
beginning of another Shari’ah.â€[34]
It is also vital to bear in
mind that the remarks above were directed to a very small minority of the Sufis.
As for the vast majority, for them Ibn al-Jawzi had the following to say: “As
for those who had incorrect intentions, from the hypocrites and the pretentious
ones, for the sake of worldly gains, and for their hands to be kissed out of
respect, then there is no discussion with them, and they are the majority of the
Sufis!â€[35]
Philosophers
Ibn al-Jawzi dedicated a
section of Talbis Iblis to the philosophers who had taken a route, other
than that of the prophets in their search for the truth. He describes their
intellectual ailment saying: “They believed in what their speculations dictated
to them without referring to the prophets. From them are those who believed in
the doctrine of al-Dahriyya that the world has no creator… Most of them
affirmed an eternal cause (‘illa qadima) for the world, and then stated
that the world is eternal, which has always been in existence along with Allah…
They also concealed their doctrine by saying: ‘Allah is the creator of this
world’, meaning: figuratively and not literally… Their doctrine also includes
that the world is ever lasting; just as its existence has no beginning, it has
no end.
“They also believed that
Allah’s knowledge and ability is in fact His essence, in order to avoid
affirming multiple eternal entities… The philosophers also denied the
resurrection, the return of souls to the bodies, and the bodily existence of
Paradise and Hell, claiming that the two were
merely paradigms for people to understand the concept of spiritual reward and
punishment.â€
He then turns to the devil’s
deceptions of the Muslim philosophers, who admired Socrates, Plato, Aristotle
and others for their excellence in metaphysics, yet didn’t realise their
mediocrity in theology. They were consequently, intellectually suspended in a
world between Greek philosophy and Islamic theology. Ibn al-Jawzi remarks: “We
noticed the philosophers from the adherents to our religion, that their
philosophical path earned them confusion, hence, they adhered to neither
philosophy, nor Islam. In fact, amongst them is one who fasts the Ramadan and
prays, and then begins to object at the Creator and prophethood, and denies the
resurrection.â€
Ibn al-Jawzi then wonderfully
summarises the underlying cause of deviancy amongst the so-called ‘Muslim
philosophers’ and the ‘Muslim monks’, saying: “Because the philosophers were
close in time to the advent of our Shari’ah, as were the monks; some of our
co-religionists stretched out their hands for the former, while the others for
the latter. Hence, you see many of the dull-witted, when they look into
doctrine, they become philosophers; and when they look into asceticism, they
became monks. We ask Allah to make us steadfast upon our
religionâ€[36]
Other Philosophies and
Schisms
Ibn al-Jawzi’s masterpiece
Talbis Iblis, in part, is regarded to be a critical heresiographical work
which accounts the doctrine and criticisms of various religions and sects.
Amongst the list of religions and philosophies criticised by Ibn al-Jawzi were
Sophisticism (sawfastaiyya), al-Dahriyya, Taba’iyyun,
Dualism (thanawiyya), Paganism, Zoroastrianism, the pre-Islamic ignorance
(jahiliyya), the denial of prophethood, the Jews, the Christians, the
Sabians, Astrologers, deniers of resurrection, and the believers in
metempsychosis (tanasukh). The schisms and sects criticised by Ibn
al-Jawzi include the Khawarij, the Rafidites (shi’as) and the Esoterics
(batiniyya).
Social and Ethical
Ills
Ibn al-Jawzi’s age saw many
social and ethical ills creeping amongst the ranks of notables such as the
jurists, traditionists, linguists and preachers. Naturally, a considerable
portion of Talbis Iblis reflects his efforts in challenging the growing
corruption and an endeavour to bring about change.
He mentions the recitors of the
Quran who, on one hand, devoted their lives learning the most eccentric modes of
recitation, whilst neglecting the basics of Islamic knowledge. This, according
to Ibn al-Jawzi, often caused the recitors to introduce practises and traditions
previously unheard of in Islamic history.[37]
The traditionists also became a
target of his criticisms for their excessive focus on transmission of the texts
without understanding the essence and the meaning of those traditions. Their
lack of understanding often forced them to pass erroneous and baseless verdicts.
Another illness to be found amongst the traditionists at the time of Ibn
al-Jawzi was their desire for fame by travelling far and wide in search of the
shortest chains, or peculiar traditions. Some of the traditionists were accused
by Ibn al-Jawzi of disparaging their colleagues whom they were jealous of, under
the guise of al-Jarh wa al-Ta’dil.[38]
Although, the jurists had
always taken pride in objective and unbiased attitude towards juristic research,
by the age of Ibn al-Jawzi, blind partisanship towards the established
madhabs began to take root, which eroded the spirit of objectivity to an
extent, and gave birth to madhabist bias in juristic discourse. Ibn al-Jawzi
challenged the growing trend by saying: “Lethargy prevailed over the latter
jurists that they could not study the science of traditions; so much so, that I
noticed some of the senior jurists remark in their works about traditions found
in authentic collections: ‘It is not possible for the Prophet to have said
such-and-such!’ I then noted that he would support his argument in an issue
saying: ‘Some of them narrated that the Prophet said such-and-such.’ He would
then respond to the authentic tradition, which his opponent used in support of
his argument, saying: ‘This tradition is not known!’ All of this is a crime
against Islam.â€
Ibn al-Jawzi equally criticised
the jurists for associating with the authorities without censuring them for
their oppression and unjust dealings, which, as he argues, resulted in three
vices: “One: The ruler assumes, ‘if I was not correct, the jurist would have
censured me. How can I not be right, when the jurist is happy to consume from my
wealth?’ Two: The layperson assumes, ‘There is neither anything wrong with this
ruler, nor his wealth, or his actions, for such-and-such jurist barely leaves
his company.’ Three: The jurist, who thereby, corrupts his
religion.
“The devil also deceived a
group from the scholars, who remained aloof from the rulers and turned to
worship and religion instead. The devil then beautified for them to backbite
those of the scholars who enter upon the rulers, and therefore accumulated for
them two wrongs: back biting others, and praise of one
self.â€[39]
Ibn al-Jawzi also focuses his
criticisms on the preachers who failed to act upon that which they preached and
sought fame; the poets and linguists who often lacked religiosity; the rulers
who habitually bypassed the Shara’i injunctions in pursuit of their political
goals; and the masses for their heedlessness and ignorance of their religious,
social and moral responsibilities.
Ibn al-Jawzi’s criticisms, as
presented in Talbis Iblis, proved to be a timeless collection of guidance
and wisdom for the individual and the society, perhaps arguably, but sadly, more
applicable in our time than his.
Criticisms of Ibn
al-Jawzi
Ibn al-Jawzi, being a
remarkable critic, was censured himself on a number of issues, some of which
follow:
Profuse errors in his
works
Although Ibn al-Jawzi is
remembered as a voluminous writer, the obvious disadvantage was the subsequent
colossal number of errors in his works. For often, he would finish a book, and
instead of revisiting it for corrections, he would begin another one; similarly,
at times, he would write two books in different subjects simultaneously. He
would frequently quote passages from various sources in different sciences,
without thoroughly studying and researching. Thus, it is reported that he would
say: “I am a compiler and not an author.â€
His errors in
Hadith
Although, Ibn al-Jawzi
displayed great dislike for many authors to narrate week, and sometimes
fabricated traditions in their works, while al-Ghazzali being the foremost of
his victims; he, ironically, was guilty of the same.
According to al-Dhahabi, while
he was known with the exalted title of ‘al-Hafidh’, it was not due to his
mastery in the science of traditions, but as a result of his vast knowledge and
memorisation of copious narrations.
Al-Dhahabi also mentions Ibn
al-Akhdar being asked about Ibn al-Jawzi: “Would not you respond to some of the
errors of Ibn al-Jawzi?†He said in reply: “One can only critically study
someone whose errors are relatively few. As for him, then he has countless
errors.†Al-Dhahabi then quotes al-Sayf’s unwarranted comment: “I have never
seen anyone who is relied upon in his religion, knowledge and intellect,
admiring Ibn Al Jawzi.†Al-Dhahabi then beautifully concludes: “If Allah is
pleased with him, then they are irrelevantâ€.[40]
Al-Mawdhu’at is amongst the famous works of Ibn al-Jawzi on fabricated
traditions, which received wide acceptance as well as criticisms, the primary
reason for which was his inclusion of numerous traditions that were, perhaps
weak (dha’if), but not at all fabricated (mawdhu’). Many of such
traditions are found in the books of Sunan, and in fact, one in Sahih
Muslim. A number of latter traditionists pursued his errors, such as al-Hafidh
al-‘Iraqi, Ibn Hajar and al-Suyuti in his work al-La’ali
al-Masnu’ah.
Self-eulogy
Ibn Rajab quotes Ibn al-Qadisi
from his Tarikh that from the objections many had against Ibn al-Jawzi
was that “his speech consisted of eulogy, pride, presumptuousness, and frequent
claims; no doubt he was guilty of some of that, may Allah overlook his
faults.â€[41] Ibn al-Jawzi’s description of his sermons, fame and glory in his
al-Muntadham are an obvious reflection of such objections, which often
puzzles the average reader with respect to his piety and humility on one hand,
and his eulogy and assertions on the other.
However, it seems Ibn al-Jawzi
was well aware of such criticisms, and perhaps he even responded to them, albeit
indirectly, saying: “After I had devoted myself to a study of these latter (i.e.
the traditions) and to the sciences which fall under rubric of hadith,
scarcely a tradition was mentioned to me but that it was possible for me to say:
‘It is a sound tradition (sahih),’ or ‘a good tradition (hasan),’
or ‘an absurd tradition (muhal).’ There are to be found in my books of
wa’dh, achievements which even those experts [in this art] find
impossible to match. I mention these achievements only out of gratitude, not out
of pride, because those who see them will be astonished. But as for myself, I
see only the excellence of the One who has made possible these achievements, and
the inadequacy of my thanksgiving. Most assuredly, it was He who empowered me to
speak extemporaneously for entire meetings without having to recourse to what I
had memorised. Sometimes as many as fifteen verses [from the Quran] were recited
in my presence at these meetings, following which I would immediately deliver a
khutba relevant to each of the verses. And now I implore God to give me
sincerity of purpose and assist me in profiting from my learning so that He may
be the Master of that [learning] and the Sovereign Lord over
itâ€[42]
Theological
errors
Ibn al-Jawzi created a storm in
the traditionalist-textualist Hanbali school by writing his infamous book
Daf’ Shubah al-Tashbih bi Akuff al-Tanzih (Rebuttal of the Insinuations
of Anthropomorphism at the Hands of Divine Transcendence), which drew fierce
attacks from all corners of the Hanbali world. The book came is a reaction to
Ibn Hamid, Abu Ya’la and his Shaykh Ibn al-Zaghuni, who too were accused of
fanaticism in their approach to affirming Allah’s Attributes, for often they
would use baseless and unfounded narrations to affirm
them.
Ibn Taymiyya writes about the
three aforementioned:
“…from the third category are
those who heard the traditions and the narrations, glorified the beliefs of the
early Muslims, yet also shared some of the principles of the
Jahmite-Mutakallimun. They did not have as much expertise in the Quran,
Hadith and traditions, as did the Imams of sunnah and
hadith; neither from the angle of distinguishing between the Sahih
and the Dha’if, nor from the angle of grasping the meanings of those
texts. They also deemed some of the rational arguments of the Jahmite-negators
to be correct, and therefore, saw a visible contradiction between the two (text
and rationale). This was the case with Abu Bakr Ibn Furak, al-Qadhi Abu Ya’la,
Ibn ‘Aqil, et al. Due to this, they would sometimes prefer the method of
allegorical exegesis (ta’wil), as did Ibn Furak and his likes while
commenting on problematic traditions; or sometimes, they would ‘leave the
meanings to Allah’ (tafwidh) saying: the apparent meaning must be
retained (tujra ‘ala dhawahiriha), as did al-Qadhi Abu Ya’la and his
likes; and sometimes, their opinions would differ, hence, they would prefer the
former method at times, and the latter at other times, as was the case with Ibn
‘Aqil and his likes. Moreover, they would often mention amongst the problematic
traditions, narrations that were false and fabricated, not knowing that they
were forged; or not knowing the same tradition with a different wording which
may solve the dilemma.â€[43]
Ibn al-Jawzi was more impressed
with Ibn ‘Aqil than the others mentioned by Ibn Taymiyya, due to which he would
often favour tafwidh, while sometimes opting for ta’wil. Such a
contradictory stance is demonstrated by his interpretation
(ta’wil) of the Face of Allah, as referring to Allah’s essence in
Daf’ Shubah al-Tashbih[44]; and then the rebutting the Mu’tazilites for the very interpretation
he is guilty of in Majalis Ibn al-Jawzi.[45] In a similar vein, he censures those who opt for Ta’wil and
brands them ‘negators of Attributes’, and further denounces the Mu’tazalite
interpretation of Hands as bounties, Ascension (istawa) as seizure
(istawla), or Descent (nuzul) as mercy; yet he is found guilty of
the same errors in Daf’ Shubah al-Tashbih.[46]
Towards the end of his work,
Ibn al-Jawzi remarks: “When a group of ignorant ones learnt of my book, they
were disappointed, for they had become accustomed to
the beliefs of their anthropomorphist leaders. Thus they said: ‘This is not the
madhab.’
I say
(Ibn al-Jawzi): This is not your madhab, nor the madhab of your
teachers whom you blind follow. I have, however, exonerated the madhab of
Imam Ahmad, and cleared him from the false narrations and nonsense utterances,
without blind following anyone in my beliefs.â€[47]
No doubt, none can challenge
Ibn al-Jawzi’s assertion with respect to himself; but as for exonerating Imam
Ahmad of beliefs he considered anthropomorphic, then the scarcity of quotes from
Imam Ahmad in his work, despite their copious presence in other popular and
widely accepted Hanbali sources, remains a far cry from his claim. Al-Dhahabi
also noticed Ibn al-Jawzi’s departure from the doctrine of Imam Ahmad and
remarked: “… his excellence continued to increase and gain popularity until he
died. May Allah have mercy on him and forgive him! Only if he had not indulged
in allegorical exegeses (ta’wil) and opposed his
Imam!â€[48]
Inevitably, he received
criticisms by various Hanbali authorities, from his age up until the present
time. Amongst his contemporary critics was the Hanbali ‘Shaykh of Iraq’, Abu
al-Fadhl Ishaq b. Muhammad al-‘Althi, who addressed Ibn al-Jawzi in harsh words
in a letter, most of which was quoted by Ibn Rajab in
Dhayl[49].
From the highlights of the
letter, is al-‘Althi’s remarks addressing Ibn al-Jawzi:
“Amazing is of one who adheres
to the madhab of the Salaf, and does not deem permissible to
indulge in Kalam, who then moves to interpret that which he did not
tolerate at first. He then says: If we say such and such, it would lead to such
and such.
“If you interpret the divine
Attributes based upon linguistic interpretations, deeming it permissible for
you, and refuse to accept the advice, (then know that) this is not the
madhab of the great Imam, Ahmad b. Hanbal – May Allah sanctify his soul.
Therefore, it is not fitting for you to attribute yourself to him with such
beliefs. So chose for yourself a different madhab, if it is possible for
you. For our (Hanbali) colleagues have not ceased to proclaim the blatant truth
at all times, even if they were struck with the swords, not fearing anyone’s
criticism.â€
Thus, Ibn al-Jawzi’s account in
nearly all Hanbali biographical works remained tainted with this criticism. Ibn
Rajab quotes Ibn al-Qadisi’s remarks on Ibn al-Jawzi’s
controversy:
“[The error] for which he was
criticised by a group of our scholars and Imams from the Maqdisis and the
‘Althis [Hanbalis], was his tendency towards allegorical exegesis
(ta’wil) in some of his speech. Their criticisms were severe in that
regard. No doubt, his beliefs in this issue were quite contradictory. Even
though he was well-versed in traditions and narrations regarding the subject
matter, he was not well-aware of the responses to the doubts of the
Mutakallimun, nor the extent of their fallacy. He would also hold Abu
al-Wafa Ibn ‘Aqil in great respect, and follow most of his beliefs, in spite of
refuting him in some issues. Despite Ibn ‘Aqil’s excellence in Kalam, he
was not au fait on traditions and narrations, due to which he was
inconsistent in this subject, with variegated opinions. Ibn al-Jawzi’s opinions
were as vegetated as his.â€
Ibn Rajab then quotes Ibn
Qudama saying:
“Ibn al-Jawzi was the leading
authority on the art of preaching in his age. He also authored excellent works
in various sciences, and his efforts were generally accepted. He would teach law
(fiqh) and author works to that end, just as he had memorised traditions
and also authored in that respect. However, we are not pleased with his writings
with respect to sunnah (doctrine), nor his
approach.’[50]
The latest rebuttal of Daf’
Shubhat al-Tashbih is a two volume book by a contemporary Hanbali theologian
and a traditionist, Sulayman b. Nasir al-‘Alwan called: Ithaf ahl al-Fadhl
wal-Insaf bi Naqdh Kitab Ibn al-Jawzi Daf’ Shubah al-Tashbih wa Ta’liqat
al-Saqqaf (An Offering to the Noble and Just, by Rebuttal of the book by Ibn
al-Jawzi Daf’ Shubah al-Tashbih, and commentary of al-Saqqaf
thereupon)
Due to Ibn al-Jawzi’s
theological slips, some modern-day, and rather zealous Ash’arites have described
him as an Ash’ari who ‘took a staunch Ash`ari stance in doctrine’; which is a
rather astonishing claim, since none from the Muslim biographers or historians
ever described him as such. On the contrary, despite sharing some aspects of
doctrine with the Ash’arites, he was nevertheless, a staunch Ash’ari detractor,
as demonstrated above and in a number of his works.
Conclusion
Ibn al-Jawzi lived for over
eighty-six years, which he dedicated to learning, teaching, preaching and
correcting the ills in the society. He delivered his first sermon at the age of
ten, and continued with his profession until he died, thus having preached for
71 years of his life, taking into account his detention in Wasit. After the
birth of the publishing industry, many of his works gained extraordinary
popularity amongst the masses, and were thus reprinted by various publishers,
and even rendered into English and French by academics. Ibn al-Jawzi has also
become a subject of numerous research papers and studies, which include: Ibn
al-Jawzi by ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-Ghazzawali; Ibn al-Jawzi wa maqamatuhu
al-Matbu’ah by ‘Ali Jamil Muhanna; Abu al-Faraj Ibn al-Jawzi wa Ara’uhu
al-Kalamiyya wal-Akhlaqiyya by Dr. Amina Muhammad Nasir; al-Usul
al-Nafsiyya li al-Tarbiya ‘ind al-Imam Abi al-Faraj Ibn al-Jawzi by Hasan
‘Abd al-‘Aal; Mu’allafat Ibn al-Jawzi by Dr. ‘Abd al-Hamid al-‘Alwaji;
and in the orientlist world he has been a subject of various studies by H.
Laoust and Merlin Swartz.
